I would like to thank everyone for coming. It is very unusual to see a red carpet in this room and I don't like the fact that it has been laid here. I will be sitting here for only two hours or maybe one and a half so I do not need a red carpet. This kind of formality is not necessary for a meeting with the president, nor is all the fuss leading up to it, which would make you think that this was going to be a speech from someone who only makes one address every year. I had a conversation with students a little while ago and I speak to people every day.
I walked around Lentekhi recently, before that I have been visiting various places every day. Yesterday, for example, I played football with children in Vazisubani [a district of Tbilisi]. We do not need this kind of formality. The president of today's Georgia does not need a red carpet or pomp. From this red carpet you would think that preparations were being made for a major summit.
For me it is a great gift to have this meeting with you. The last time I was in this room was after my inauguration with US Secretary of State Colin Powell. Colin Powell mentioned at the time that we had both been to the same university, George Washington University in Washington. He said that he had had only top marks. I replied that I had slightly lower marks, but look how things have turned out. You are still a foreign minister, I said, but I am already president. I am not telling you this so that you neglect your studies, because of course if you study badly you will not be guaranteed a good professional career.
I am delighted to see such bright faces, despite this catastrophic weather, which has decided to play with our nerves. A few days ago I said that whatever the weather we should not be frightened. After that someone in the weather office decided that there should be bad weather to see how much we could take. I will stress once again, it can rain as much as it wants, but - [changes tack]. Yesterday it was raining when I was opening a football pitch. I played football and celebrated Easter and everything was fine.
You know that this is a very important stage in the life of our country, the last two years or year and a half. The important event ahead is President Bush's visit to Georgia [9-10 May]. This is a truly important event. I simply want to explain why this is important for us.
It is not because it will solve every problem at a stroke. It is important because the leader of the largest democratic country is coming to Georgia and the format of the visit is extremely rare for any American president. This is confirmation that Georgia is a regional leader in spreading democracy and freedom.
Georgia's role is much greater than many would imagine. Georgia is not only an example for revolution, in which there was practically no violence, apart from one broken window in parliament - I don't when it was smashed but I'll admit it was. But those were just a few beautiful days and weeks. The most important thing is what has happened afterwards in the past year and a half. We have shown that with democracy and freedom it is possible to be successful.
The thing that kleptomaniac and corrupt rulers feared the most in this region was that someone might show it was possible to be successful with democracy and freedom. I remember very well what they were saying after our revolution. Georgia will break up into four or five parts, they said. A completely inexperienced group of people has come to power and they will fail. There will be much greater corruption, they will not achieve anything and the country will eventually disintegrate and will become a completely unstable zone in an unstable region.
Of course, we are participating in very historic process. We should understand that now there will be a new Georgian state, in terms of its institutions, its mentality, its ability and its special traditions. We are a nation that is several millennia old but to what extent can we say we had a tradition of statehood? Georgia has never had successful experience of modern statehood. It was an almost hopeless situation.
What has happened in these most recent years? We have managed to create a state. Of course it is not a very rich or especially comfortable state, but it is already a state. Our budget in [former President Eduard] Shevardnadze's final years was 350m dollars. This year our budget will be almost 1.9bn dollars. Those who can do the sums can work out how much it has grown.
What does this increased budget mean? It means that roads are being built, there are renovations not just in Tbilisi but throughout the country, buses in towns throughout Georgia, the new police force, the new ambulance service, the most important functions of the state. The state should be able to have a police force and provide aid for those in need.
During these floods everyone saw that the Georgian state already exists. Not a single family remains in the flood zone and disaster zone which has not received state aid. Everyone recognizes this. Today there is not a single family [left without help] and I saw this with my own eyes. I walked to see myself, the prime minister walked, ministers walked 40, 45, or 67 km. Our MPs and ministers walked that far. Every family was provided with aid. This is already a state.
On the first anniversary of our revolution it was repeated in Ukraine. For the whole year they were saying it could not be repeated in Ukraine, look what a poor state Georgia is in, but the Ukrainians saw that we had been successful. It was one of the most important stimuli for what happened. The same thing happened in Kyrgyzstan and many other places in the world, not just the former Soviet Union. It also applies, for example, to the countries of the Middle East, whose representatives I met and who told me that what happened in Georgia made a great impression on them.
The American president is coming to a country, which America recognizes as an example of democracy and freedom for the region and the world. That is Georgia's special role and mission. This is a special role and a special mission for each of you.
We are proud that there is freedom in Georgia. This is not simply a notion. I was a student at Kiev University in 1985, my first year. In my first year the KGB opened a file on me because I read foreign journals and because I expressed independent opinions. As a result everything was closed to me. Under that regime I would not have been able to travel abroad, although that was my profession - I studied diplomacy. I would never have been able to find normal work, I would never have been able to make progress in any area or find a job I wanted. I am not talking about politics. I would never have been able to stand before you in this room like this.
Out of my family, in which I was brought up, my grandfather spent 10 years in a Siberian camp, his brother was sentenced to 25 years. My grandmother's mother, who died last year, had a brother who was executed and a father who was almost worn to death in Siberian camps.
Therefore, for me and for you freedom is not simply that we hate the past in which all possibilities were closed to us and in which there was a closed society. The mark of a closed society is when someone decides in a corridor somewhere that you should not achieve anything, that you are done with, a line is drawn under you and you will never be able to go forward. This does not mean I am a supporter of democracy just because of that. I have seen many people who were oppressed by the Soviet regime and as soon as the opportunity appeared, they themselves became oppressors and wanted to oppress someone.
The important thing is that if someone believes in their own power, in their own talent, if they think they are stronger than others and can go forward, then they should compete in a free competition, participate in open debates and exchange opinions freely.
That is important in a free and open society. Why is corruption a disaster? It is not just because when someone takes a bribe the money does not go into the state coffers. Corruption is a problem because it means that three or four groups agree everything among themselves. Why was our budget only 350m? It was in effect 1.9bn, but the rest of the money was divided between these three or four groups. No matter how talented you were, it was their children who went to the best schools, their children who studied overseas, their children who got the best jobs and for the rest, you could be a genius - all of you are very talented, I know that well - but would have no chance or possibility of success. Therefore open society is a society in which there are free debates.
Today is a day for the press. I would like to greet all members of the press. We have freed the Georgian press from paying taxes, although that is not the most important thing. We have freed them from any kind of pressure. A while ago, it makes me laugh, five intellectuals sat talking for one and a half hours on one channel and I watched with great curiosity in my office. I turned it on one evening by chance and was very interested. For an hour and a half they were complaining that they were not allowed to express their opinions on television. But it was on television they were saying that. You get the picture, don't you? How many times have you seen them complaining on the most popular shows, saying that they are not allowed to appear on television? They also complain to foreigners. A foreigner who does not watch our television stations believes them but you hear this from our television.
People wrote me a letter asking why I express my views so precisely, saying that it is not good. I want to say categorically that Georgia's president is not the Queen of Great Britain. The president is elected to express his opinions and put them into practice. The most important thing is that the president expresses his opinions. You should be scared of a president who does not express his opinions or whose views continually change. That is the kind of predecessor I had, who in general has no views.
Of course, I am the leader of a political party, I have opinions, I have my own clear ideas of how Georgia should develop. I am the leader of a political force, which has also expressed its opinions. Sometimes I attack my opponents, not sometimes but often. However, the most important thing is not that you attack someone but that they should have the opportunity to respond, that they can express their own views.
It is not important that I should not express my opinions. There are many leaders in the world who do not express their opinions but at the same time they are smothering with both hands their opponents, who cannot express their opinions, so the country is a swamp.
I deeply believe that the more there is free debate, the higher the temperature of political debate, the better its quality. You should take part in these debates. The previous government said they would not let students be politicized. There is no idiocy greater than that. Of course students should be interested in politics because it is their future. They should be more involved in their country's future than older people because their fate depends on it. The main thing is that as a result of the debate we should reach the truth.
This does not mean that we do not have the possibility of a general consensus where there is a common national interest, general human values, what is common among us and among humanity. In a normal society, if it is to be successful, they need to agree.
As for politicians' evaluation of events and specific people's views, it is a personal choice, whether it regards the president or any other political leader. We do not have Dalai Lamas in our politics. No-one can be above criticism, no-one can be without mistakes. The more people are correctly criticized, the fewer the mistakes.
I, as a leader, recognize that I do many things to scrutinize my staff from the top. You should not doubt that I want these staff to be honest and behave correctly. We have truly tackled corruption in the past year and a half, however, if there is no other control, if there is no press scrutiny, if local administration heads, governors, police chiefs and MPs are not constantly under scrutiny, society will not be able to go forward and this control will not exist.
That is the meaning of freedom. That is the difference between a stagnant country and a country which moves forward and develops. Therefore, Georgia is the best example in the former Soviet Union. In which other country are there seven independent national television channels and 25 or 26 independent regional channels?
If you take all the rest of the former Soviet Union, the number of independent channels is less than in little Georgia. This makes it difficult for us to operate but it is right for society to develop. That is the first thing. The second aspect is responsibility. Responsibility for our country and its future.
Sometimes you might think that Georgia was like a car that had been broken down for a long time, completely stuck in a swamp, the engine wouldn't start and the petrol had been stolen. Now a new driver has come and put petrol in it, fixed the engine, made some effort, started the engine and begun to drive out of the swamp. But now some of the passengers are complaining, what are you been waiting for, why are we moving so slowly? What would a normal passenger do? He would get out and push. If everyone got out and pushed the weight would be less and the car would move forward. I am not saying I want to be the driver. I am ready to lie down in front of the car so it can get out of the swamp. But everyone should help to get our country out of the swamp. We are already on our way.
We are talking about President Bush's visit, but at our Easter meeting the Patriarch [Ilia II] quoted President Kennedy, who said ask not what your country can do for you but what you can do for your country. Ilia Chavchavadze [Georgian 19th century writer and thinker] said the same thing much earlier, but in a different way. You are a man if you ask yourself everyday who you have served. Ilia Chavchavadze said it that way because he was talking about society and Georgia was not a state at that time. We should say that everyday and note its importance.
All of us have a very important mission. To finish what we have started in conditions of freedom and democracy. In this region there is a chance for success, the region can develop and be no less European than any Western or well-developed Eastern European country. That is our joint task.
However, we also face many obstacles and challenges, for example the issue of [separatist] conflicts. Abkhazia is our deepest common pain, because grave injustice was committed there, most of the people was driven out, the most decent and peaceful people were driven out.
As regards the Tskhinvali region [South Ossetia], we have unveiled our peace plan. A few days ago, we offered our help to the Tskhinvali authorities in dealing with the consequences of the floods. We were ready to give them everything, including money, fuel and equipment. But they refused to accept anything. So, I want to tell those who are now watching us in Java or Tskhinvali: We were ready to come and help you, but the group that has appropriated the region deprived you of this. They deprived you of this. We are still ready to help you. They have been scaring you that you will have problems with passports, but I am ready to open a Georgian passport office in Tskhinvali tomorrow and grant Georgian citizenship to every applicant tomorrow. If it cannot be done in Tskhinvali, I'm inviting everyone to Gori. I'm instructing the Gori passport office to issue Georgian passports to every resident of the Tskhinvali, Java, Znauri and other districts as soon as they request it.
We are ready to organize a large conference in Tbilisi this June to discuss every aspect of our peace plan on the settlement of the Tskhinvali region - South Ossetia conflict. We will invite all organizations working on conflict settlement and peace issues. Georgia is very open in this respect but we need everyone else to be open too. We are ready to go further than probably any other country in the region, because we are not afraid. We are not talking from a weak position. Some time ago, we disbanded the [Dzevera] reservists camp and redeployed it dozens of kilometres away from the conflict zone, so that no-one could say that we were getting ready for something. Moreover, we have reduced the number of Georgian peacekeepers in the conflict zone by ten times. I have done this deliberately because I'm not afraid. I believe that the Georgian state is strong enough to protect its citizens even in these conditions and I do not want to give enemies an excuse to complain.
However, this cannot be a one-way street. We urge all forces with at least a bit of common sense to agree to a dialogue with us. It is unacceptable to keep a 22-year-old boy in a dungeon on so-called treason charges only because he arranged holidays for 500 [Ossetian] children in Chakvi, Kobuleti and other resorts in Ajaria. I'm talking about [Aleksandr] Kozayev who is imprisoned in Tskhinvali. A state cannot regard itself as a self-respecting state if such things can happen on its territory.
We have very ambitious plans regarding our economic reforms. We are starting a large-scale anti-bureaucratic reform. This doesn't mean that we are going to mistreat competent officials, but we will reduce the functions of the state drastically. All kinds of permits and 95 per cent of licenses should be abolished. If you decide to set up a business, you should not have to go to some agricultural office and beg them to give you permission to squeeze grapes and bottle the juice.
We as a society should understand that the country's progress is impossible without these reforms. Significant development will be impossible without these reforms because Georgia is very, very underdeveloped. During the past 15 years, not even a single kilometre of a good standard road has been built. We have started a road building programme. We will only need two years to do the fundamental part of this. We will need to spend a minimum of 200m dollars to rebuild roads in Tbilisi. This year, we will spend about 50-60m dollars on that, and maybe slightly more next year.
As for the regions, we have started building a big road in Samegrelo. Roads in Akhaltsikhe and Ninotsminda are in ruins. Just imagine what is happening there: No-one remembers the Georgian state, because there is no road and Georgian TV is not available. However, despite this, our fellow Armenian citizens eagerly teach their children to speak Georgian.
We should take care of these people. They are citizens of Georgia. We should work on the integration of ethnic minorities. We are establishing a school of [public] administration for them that will offer six-month and nine-month study programmes for Azerbaijanis, Armenians, Ossetians, Greeks, Jews and whoever else is not integrated, Russians who do not speak Georgian. We should teach them Georgian and let them see that there are highly paid positions for them too in the reduced, but not corrupt, Georgian state apparatus. They will not be able to occupy these positions just by chance. But when we have 100 new Armenian officials this year, 100 Azerbaijanis, 100 Ossetians, and 100 officials of other nationalities, the picture will change completely. Others will realize that this country is theirs too and that they have a good chance of taking part in the future of this country.
This is another unique model for the entire region, the region which has been devastated by ethnic conflicts, the Balkans of the former Soviet Union. Therefore we, as a democratic country, should demonstrate that democracy gives a chance to everyone regardless of their ethnic background or property status.
We have embarked on a very important stage of reforms, and President Bush's visit is intended to support these reforms. Now, some people, especially in the Russian press, and some Georgians have joined them too, have been comparing President Bush's visit to visits of former [Communist Party] general secretaries [in Soviet times]. I remember those times. Once, [Leonid] Brezhnev was coming to Georgia and I was forced to take part in marching rehearsals for four weeks. It was in 1981, Brezhnev was no longer on top form, and they said that the size of the ceremony had to be reduced by three times. Instead of four hours, it would continue for only an hour and a half. So they told tall boys to stay and they let smaller ones go. Well, I was the tallest guy in my class, but I pretended to be smaller and they let me go. So I was not there to see Brezhnev.
Those who make these comparisons do not understand that at that time Georgia was an enslaved country and the general secretaries were our main slave masters who would come to the enslaved territories in order to strengthen the slavery. But President Bush, the American president, is the leader of the free world and is coming to a free country which has liberated itself, especially now, in order to support freedom, democracy and the future of this country as an independent and free country. Those who do not see the difference remain trapped in the time of the Soviet Union and red carpets. This is not a matter of age, I know some young people who also fail to see this difference.
This is the difference between that Georgia and the present Georgia. At that time, Georgians did not serve in the army or, if they did, they were warehousemen or cooks [in the Soviet Army], although I served in combat units for two years. Now, serving in the Georgian army is a completely different thing. Now people are proud to serve in the army.
Since I have touched on the issue of army, I want to tell you that I am personally very proud that our soldiers are in Iraq. I am proud that our soldiers are in Kosovo, because this is an integral part of our democratic, international role. [Looks at his watch] I was told not to talk for more than 15 minutes, but I've been talking for too long. So, now I will be listening to you. [Applause]
[Moderator] Mr President, taking into account our situation, students still have many questions to ask you, despite your comprehensive comments.
[Question] Mr President, let me congratulate you on the Easter holiday. Undoubtedly, President Bush's visit is very important for Georgia. What results do you expect from this visit?
[Mikheil Saakashvili] First of all, I want to tell you that when we talk about President Bush's visit it is only part of a broader picture. We should not have the illusion that Bush will come and then everything will then be fine. It will not be like that. We have to accomplish everything ourselves. We should not wait for anything.
We are not expecting America to come and solve our problems for us, but this visit underlines that Georgia has international importance as never before in its history. This visit is not just a show of support for Georgian democracy. It is a visit which supports democracy in the region. We need democracy in this region like we need air. Without Ukraine, Georgia would be in a very difficult situation today. Some of you were in Ukraine. I will never forget the feeling of pride when I was standing before a million people on 31 December [in Kiev]. Before that date, I was so eager to go there that it was very difficult to convince me that presidents don't behave like that. Eventually I was persuaded not to go [before 31 December], but when [Victor] Yushchenko was practically president already, although almost no-one had recognized it apart from us, I went there on 31 December, and the feeling of pride was amazing.
However, many of you were there before that, young Georgian students with their eyes lit up, standing together with Ukrainians. By the way, I've heard that some of them started international [Georgian-Ukrainian] families, so there was a pleasant side to it too, but the risk was much greater. Those people were our representatives. Without Ukraine, Georgia would be more isolated and under much greater pressure. Then there is Moldova. Under Georgia's chairmanship of GUUAM, it turned from a virtually defunct organization into an organization with which Romania, Lithuania and Poland are actively cooperating, not to mention Ukraine and Moldova. The Moldovan president said at his inauguration that Moldovan democracy was inspired by Georgian democracy.
I am certain that freedom will triumph in Belarus. I am certain of that. It will win everywhere. In Kyrgyzstan, [MP] Givi Targamadze was there [during the revolution], I don't think it is a big secret, he was there together with some other fighters for democracy. He was certainly not leading anything, as some people claimed, but when the first rallies were broken up, Givi got on a horse and crossed the border. Actually, he says he was on a horse but others say it was a donkey, although it is not important. He crossed over into Uzbekistan through minefields, the situation was difficult there.
When we talk about what democracy means, it is a chance for Georgia to solve its problems, problems with our neighbours, problems associated with our conflicts. I am sure that in the end the public should make their views known. Those people in Tskhinvali who were denied the right to get help from the Georgian state, their state, whose language they speak, whose capital they visit every other day, who marry other citizens of that state. They have been denied the right to get aid and food from this state in the situation when the Transcaucasian highway is closed and they cannot get help from anywhere else. They have not received pensions and salaries for several months but they are deprived of this help. When these people are allowed to express their views, when Alik Kozayev is released from prison, I'm sure that nothing will stand in the way of the peaceful settlement of this conflict.
This is our meaning for democracy, the meaning of Bush's visit to Georgia. The American president's visit is the final confirmation that Georgia is an independent country whose borders and territory are inviolable. The red line lies on the Caucasus Range and no-one should cross it to this side. Everything that is temporarily on this side should go back.
I am one of the few presidents in the world who will have the opportunity, within the space of three or four days - although this is not finally decided but I have hope - to sign joint declarations with the presidents for Russia and America. The contents of these declarations are different but they complement each other. We have had Russian troops in Georgia for 200 years. There is no point in this for Russia, and for Georgia it is a risk.
We now have a historic chance for the step-by-step, civilized [changes tack] - there are other ways, for example Syria withdrew a contingent three of four times larger in two weeks and without problems. We are prepared to talk about two years or even three years, but I intend to resolve this issue during my term of office as set by the constitution and I'm not going to make any concessions in this regard. Peacefully, in a civilized manner, we should change the form of our relations. It is unacceptable to talk to us by using troops, tanks and weapons. Let us talk about investments. There are many other issues too. Georgia's economy needs improvement and I think that Bush's visit is a very important sign for our integration into Euro-Atlantic bodies. This is important support for Georgia's independence and a very important stimulus to democracy in the entire region, democracy which we all need like air.
[Question] Nino Lomouri, Tbilisi State University.
A few years ago some students of Tbilisi State University travelled to Abkhazia with the help of the UN. They travelled through Abkhazia to Sochi to meet students of Sukhumi University. During three days of meetings the Georgian and Abkhaz students got to know each other. They are still in touch. Later, there were promises from [former President] Shevardnadze that the authorities would provide assistance to them to organize other meetings, but those promises were not kept. We need help from the authorities to [interrupted by the president]
[Mikheil Saakashvili] Generally, of course we need help to return to Abkhazia, but that is another kind of help. As for inviting the Abkhaz here, you know that last year we invited Abkhaz children [to Tbilisi]. We financed their trip. The children spent two weeks here, we planted trees in a park together. But when they went back, their parents were detained in Sukhumi and some of the children were detained too. [Georgian government's spokeswoman] Leila Avidzba is Abkhaz, she is from Sukhumi, she studied in Tbilisi and now she is a news presenter for Georgian [State] TV and she also works in the government. Her mother has been given a suspended sentence because Leila works here, although she is Abkhaz and she has never betrayed the Abkhaz people.
If you want to invite someone, bring them here, we fully support these contacts. We should destroy this siege mentality. What is their mentality now? In the past, [late chairman of the Tbilisi-backed Abkhaz government in exile, Tamaz] Nadareishvili's figure was used to frighten those 35,000 remaining Abkhaz who live there, unfortunately others have left. Now they have created another bogeyman, [Defence Minister Irakli] Okruashvili. Okruashvili will come and eat your children, they say. But nobody is going to carry out any kind of aggressive action anywhere. We should understand that we must destroy this wall of mistrust. This will only happen through contacts between people. Every person should know that this is their country that will take their interests into account. We are not going to take by force something which can be resolved through human contacts in a democratic way. This is a very principled position of the Georgian state. Today we need economic development, energy facilities, roads and tourism rather than a war and chaos. Everyone should understand this. At the same time, we need a strong state. The way to Abkhazia lies through a strong state. Help us to convince those several tens of thousands of our compatriots who live on the territory where many more Abkhaz and more than 300,000 Georgians lived in the past.
[Question] We have a proposal, the Abkhaz agree too, but we need financing.
[Mikheil Saakashvili] Submit your proposal to me.
[Moderator] The last question, Mr President.
[Question] Mariam Bochorishvili, Tbilisi State University. Mr President, do you know if President Bush and President Putin are going to discuss the pullout of the Russian bases from Georgia? Will they sign a document guaranteeing the pullout?
[Mikheil Saakashvili] An agreement on this should be signed by me and President Putin. We have been exchanging documents. Last year, when we first met the Russians, they told us that they needed 13-15 years [to pull out the bases]. By that time, you would be of the same age as I am now. I see [presidential spokesman] Gela [Charkviani] is looking at me, [smiles] I guess it is inappropriate to talk about age in his presence. Now their [Russian] Defence Ministry said that they would need three to four years and their Foreign Ministry said two to three years. That's what I call a realistic approach. We are not going to throw Russians in the sea, as some people are claiming, but neither are we going to let 200 years [of Russian military presence in Georgia] grow into 300 years.
Since we are going to resolve this issue during my presidency, we also need help from the public. They should know this. We have managed to achieve this progress because Georgia has become a successful country. We have become a state. State institutions and democracy are functioning here. Even during debates nothing has been destroyed. I remember that last year some people predicted after some arguments in parliament that Saakashvili was doomed to fail. On the contrary, the more debates we have the better. I am certain that we will win all these debates. In the end, people should decide this issue rather than some particular groups or foreign forces. We should reach this agreement, this is a matter of principle for me. Our position will be very principled to the end. By the way, this is being decided right now. Today is 3 May, and we should reach an agreement by 8 May.
This translation is published with permission from BBC Monitoring, Reading, UK
Office of the Presidency